On a Tuesday afternoon this past summer, Doug Pagitt, a fifty-three-12 months-old pastor in a blue straw hat and glasses, stood in a convention room at the Democratic Congressional Committee’s office in Washington, D.C., laying out sandwiches. Pagitt becomes preparing to lead a schooling consultation for Democratic members of Congress on how to talk to evangelicals. A desk becomes suffering from blue-and-orange lapel pins analyzing “Vote Common Good,” the call of a business enterprise that Pagitt released closing year to make the religious left greater visible. “We want people to know that it exists, and they can be part of it,” he stated. Last 12 months, the institution’s contributors spent a month journeying the united states in an excursion bus, campaigning for kind of 40 revolutionary applicants on their spiritual message, however, this was their first time speaking to politicians in Washington. Five participants of the group took seats across the conference table, a few carrying blazers, and sensible sandals. Pagitt commonly tasks an air of ease, however this afternoon he turned into irritating. “Today is quite a good deal a beta test,” he told me.
A little while later, Marcy Kaptur, a Democrat from Ohio who, at seventy-3, is the longest-serving female inside the House of Representatives, arrived wearing a sea-foam jacket. Soon after, Representative Katherine Clark, from Massachusetts, and Ted Lieu, from California, walked in, followed by way of a 1/2-dozen body of workers contributors. Robb Ryerse, a self-described former fundamentalist pastor and the political director of Vote Common Good, opened the assembly with a tip. “Trying to memorize John 3:sixteen inside the automobile in your way to the event and then quote that is probably no longer the high-quality way to hook up with religion-based citizens,” he said. He had seen a candidate do this trick at the way to a rally in Kansas after which struggle to bear in mind the phrase onstage.
The exodus of religious citizens from the Democratic Party over the last numerous a long time is commonly defined by means of the lifestyle wars, maximum substantially over abortion. As the historian of religion Randall Balmer notes in his e-book “Thy Kingdom Come,” within the sixties and seventies, the Democratic Party had a huge Catholic contingent and typically adverse abortion. By evaluation, many outstanding Republicans—inclusive of Nelson Rockefeller; Ronald Reagan, in the course of his time because the governor of California; and Harry Blackmun, the Supreme Court Justice who wrote the opinion in Roe v. Wade—affirmed and elevated abortion rights. But, beginning inside the early seventies, evangelical preachers which include Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson labored with Republican strategists to press the Party to extra vigorously oppose abortion. At the equal time, the second-wave feminist movement driven the Democratic Party to shield women’s reproductive rights. As an end result, pro-life Democrats, most drastically spiritual citizens, began defecting from the Party.
Pagitt believes that these record are overly simplistic. He points out that a massive percentage of Democratic citizens—sixty-seven consistent with cent, according to a Pew ballot from 2018—nonetheless declare a non secular affiliation. He believes that many slight evangelicals would be happy to vote for Democrats, however, that the Party often overlooks them in the course of campaigns. In 2008, Barack Obama courted evangelicals, in conjunction with Catholics, mainstream Protestants, and Jewish electorate, through asking non secular leaders to seem as campaign surrogates and to participate in a normal convention call. Pagitt labored on behalf of the campaign, drawing close conservative leaders and calling evangelicals who had voted for George W. Bush in 2004. “It wasn’t just me; they stored calling masses of leaders and asking if we should spare one greater weekend,” Pagitt said. Obama succeeded in taking a large quantity of white evangelical and Catholic Bush citizens.